'Reform' and 'religion' were concepts which dominated the period from the fifteenth century to the mid-seventeenth century. Demands for reform and the practice of reform came to define this era: thoroughgoing reform of the church as a central but unresolved issue for the Councils of Constance (1414-1418) and Basle (1431-1438/1449), 'reformatio generalis' as required by Niklaus of Cusa and others; attempted reform of monastic orders; initiatives for reform inspired by the many strands of humanism; reform of the Holy Roman Empire. These were followed by the beginnings of reformation, by reformation movements, reformers, Reformation, reformed theologians, reformed confessions and Tridentine reform. The goal was the renewal of ecclesiastical and religious life and these movements were, in part, highly critical of the existing forms and structure of the Church. Initially, however, they advocated the necessity of reform; they had no thoughts of schism. Yet the process of reform and liberation took on a new quality in 1517 and would end in partition. In the light of new political constellations, the advanced development of the evangelical confession and the process of church building, it was impossible for the Council of Trent (1545-1563) to function as a comprehensive assembly of the Universal Church. Indeed the division was furthered by the decision of the Council to treat disputed matters of faith alongside the issue of reform. The continuation of the existing division was assured by the settlement of numerous articles of faith and the establishment of new norms during the course of the Council and by their promulgation in the Decrees and Canons of the Council. [1] Within the Empire this development had entered its decisive phase in 1548. It had been the intention of the Emperor to reestablish confessional unity through the political dictates of the Interim. This failed and, indeed, served only to reinforce existing divisions. With the revolt of the princes and the defeat of the Emperor in 1552 the split in the Church was complete. The Imperial Diet of 1555 confirmed the legal existence of two confessions in the Empire. [2] The break with the past was acute. Its far-reaching implications were fully comprehended by the Catholic party only in 1566 [3] and triggered a strong reaction which could be felt from the 1570s. In the meantime an additional confession had taken root in the Empire, defined by John Calvin and emanating from Geneva. Now three faiths lined up within the Empire and each claimed to have the true confession and to be the true church. Each faith was to be defended from attack from both within and without and was to be further encouraged and promoted. ?Religion? is a key term for the period between 1555 and 1648: the Religious Peace of 1555, the French Wars of Religion, religious polemicists, religious gravamina, religious negotiation at the Peace of Westphalia (designed to conclude that multifaceted period of warfare which has entered history under the nomenclature ?The Thirty Years War?. [4] Religion was plausibly both a motive and a cause until about 1635, [5] yet only on a very simplistic basis can this conflict can be termed a ?War of Religion? [6]); and, finally, the regulation of religious affairs in Article V of the Instrumentum Pacis Osnabrugense which was signed in Münster on 24 October 1648. This last example made possible an ordered and relatively peaceful coexistence for some 150 years by the three confessions which were now legally recognized within the Empire.

As these concepts of ?reform? and ?religion?, with their complex substance and implications, were so common, it is not surprising that they have been the object of scholarly attention since the sixteenth century. It was often suggested that the impetus for reform was provided by the limitations of religious life and of forms of devotion. These, it was claimed, overshadowed true faith, generating calls for reform and contributing to the advent of the Reformation, when many religious traditions were indeed put to the test. It was only at the end of the eighteenth century that interest was aroused in the concept of piety and its role in the life of individuals. [7] Proponents of the Enlightenment began to examine the autonomous identity of lands and their peoples and thus came upon the central significance of religion. They concentrated on popular traditions, classified until the heading ?folklore?, a term first used in England in 1846. This initial curiosity generated academic interest and folklore was established as a university discipline by the end of the nineteenth century, as the study of ?traditional ways of life? (Leopold Schmidt). [8] The swift recognition of the significance of religion in daily life led to the development of a separate branch of this discipline entitled ?religious folklore?. [9] Research was directed towards forms of expression which had a religious character and then onto norms of behaviour, in particular amongst lower levels of society. [10] Excessive forms of behaviour received greatest attention and the primary goal of this research was to discover the roots of this phenomenon. The study of liturgy and church history [11] also touched on religious folklore, concentrating on popular piety, defined as lay devotion performed under the auspices of the established churches. Any form of expression expressly or supposedly related to magic or sorcery was simply ignored or designated superstitious and put to one side.

After the Second World War historical studies underwent a reorientation and the methodology of sociologists found its way into the study of the history of society which was introduced into Germany. As the examination of popular culture gained in status, so too research into piety became more highly regarded. [12] Studied within a number of disciplines, the very definition of popular piety rapidly became the subject of fierce debate. What was the relationship of popular piety or lay piety, popular religion, popular belief and popular culture on one hand and on the other the religion of the elite, the religion of the clergy, high religion and elite culture? Such controversies have demonstrated clearly that there is no uniform understanding of the term piety. [13] One possible solution is to understand piety - or rather popular piety - as devotional practice. [14] This can be approached from numerous and varied angles, for forms of expression and modes of behaviour, for continuity and development, for the impulses behind such change and the means by which it occurred. Increasingly, church historians have also participated in this examination of piety. [15] It is the early modern period as a whole which has been the subject of such attention and not simply, as in the past, the age of the Reformation which was deemed to last only until 1555. Indeed the century after 1555 has gained preferential treatment, not least as a result of the vital impulses provided by Ernst Walter Zeeden and his interpretative category ?confession building? [16] and by Heinz Schilling and Wolfgang Reinhard and their concept of ?confessionalization?. Confessionalization was a process evident within all confessions and steered by a centralized authority; it was designed to bring about the bureaucratization of early modern state and the disciplining of the faithful. [17] It is now generally recognized as the primary process of the period which runs from about 1550 to 1650, with its high point in the last decades of the sixteenth century and the first two decades of the seventeenth century.

This is, however, not the place to enter into the debate about the definition of popular piety or the limitations of the concept of confessionalization. This essay will examine the nature of ?Catholic piety? in the period between the Religious Peace of Augsburg of 1555 and the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. This was an era of prime importance for the history of piety but also, as we shall see, a period with an essentially transitory character which provides no dates as firm boundaries for our subject.

A window into this topic is provided by the protocols of the visitation held in the bishopric of Osnabrück between 27 November 1624 and 17 May 1625. [18] This visitation was carried out by the Vicar General Albert Lucenius under the auspices of the new prince-bishop, Cardinal Eitel Friedrich von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1612-1625) [19] who was responsible for reintroducing staunch Catholicism into the bishopric after a lengthy break. Lucensius? report is highly informative about the condition of the church and religion in this territory and diocese which still lacked a strong confessional identity. The report records numerous abuses by priests, vergers, schoolmasters and congregations whose lifestyle and behaviour make it difficult to determine whether they were Catholic or Protestant. Although the protocols are extensive, only rarely do they talk of piety and, in these instances, always within the context of ?Catholic piety?. The study used by the priest of Schledehausen, who had been ordained in Cologne in 1616, contained ?much designed according to (Catholic) piety?: [20] a house altar with pictures and other examples ?revealing of piety?, a penitential sash, a hanging rosary, small devotional works. Lucensius attributed this to the influence of the Jesuits with whom the priest had studied. He was, however, uncertain if it indicated a genuine religious disposition or if the priest?s Catholicism was a pretense, for he was also expecting his fourth child by his cook. It was, however, in the priest?s favour that the church contained ?clear signs of the Catholic religion?: a monstrance containing the blessed sacrament, holy oil in the tabernacle, banners, a beautifully decorated altar, a new liturgical vestment, and a Roman missal. Lucenius noted that these were the first such clear signs of the Catholic religion which he had come across during the visitation. [21] The following day the Vicar General noted that the people of the parish of Gesmold, including the children, performed ?Catholic genuflections? and ?Catholic positioning of hands in prayer?. Additionally, after the Sunday service, which was carried out ?very clumsily?, the eucharistic blessing was said. Lucensius had also heard that on certain days rogation and eucharistic processions were held, evident signs of Catholic practice and Catholic piety. Although the church at Gütersloh had been badly neglected, it still contained many older ?signs of the true religion?, such as reliquaries and images of saints and of Mary, mother of God. [22] Lucenius was particularly pleased with the situation which he discovered in Neuenkirchen. According to his report, the pastor was a good Catholic, lived without a cook, was competent, educated, eager and made a determined impression. The verger and schoolmaster recited the catechism in the church and their instruction of the children was deemed to be excellent, with the result that these children did not seem too far from ?piety and cultured behaviour?. [23] Taken as a whole, however, the visitor?s experience was rather more dismal. Both clergy and laity lived ?according to the custom of the land?, and, according to Lucenius, they ?did not search for God with their hearts and hands?. [24]

The definition of ?Catholic piety? painted by the visitation is unambiguous. It also reveals to us a form of religious ceremony which the vicar general did not deem an acceptable component of such devotion. He noted that in Gehrde during processions on certain days of prayer, a banner and an image of the Virgin Mary were carried, by a man and woman respectively, through all the houses in the village. The banner was carried around the stove and the image of the Virgin Mary was placed on the bed. It was believed that this would yield a good year, the marriage bed would be fruitful and all division and dispute would be avoided. For Lucenius this custom was quite simply superstitious and he forbade its continued practice. The result appears to have been the early disappearance of this traditional element of folk piety with its magical connotations. A similar practice in Cologne met a similar fate. It was described by Hermann von Weinsberg (1518-1597) in his autobiographical writings which provide such valuable folklore accounts. Until the middle of the sixteenth century a relic of St. Hubertus was taken from the Church of St. Jacob and carried into the homes of the citizens of the city where leather strops and bread were touched by the reliquary, in order to ward off mad dogs and other animals. The author, a lawyer who was also a rich merchant and town councillor, regretted that this custom ?previously held during my lifetime with great reverence? no longer existed. [25]

Several general conclusions can be drawn from the limited comments on piety which are to be found in the protocols of Albert Lucenius? visitation. First, this was not piety according to its modern definition, based on the religious attitudes and way of life of an individual. In this early seventeenth century context it was applied to forms of devotion with a specific character which was significant - or at least deemed to be of significance - for a specific religion, in this case Catholicism. [26] This piety was defined by content and by models and their variants, which, in turn, made possible the designation of abuses, superstition and magic which were not ?of the catholic religion? and ought therefore to be rejected. Second, there was deemed to be a relationship between, on one hand, the lifestyle of those who held office in the church, and in particular the parish priest, their conduct in matters of faith and practice and their level of education and, on the other hand, the nature of piety in their community. There were demands for decrees and instructions from the authorities, which were held to be necessary if abuses were to be halted and reforms implemented. Third, the great ignorance of the clergy and the people, the ?stupidity, coldness and religious freedom of the previous age?, and general acceptance of the flouting of the vow of celibacy, despite frequent reprimand, were blamed for the much lamented religious and moral decay and for the lack of piety. [27] This was to be countered by reforming instructions, issued by the bishop and by the prince, which were to be vigorously imposed. Fourth, the Jesuits were cited as instigators and instruments of reform, for they were deemed to be educated, competent and courageous and to live according to the rules of the Church. Further motors of reform were identified as the catechism, new catechetical songs and, in particular, the reform programme and confession of faith which had been determined by the Council of Trent and were now to be passed on to the parish clergy. Forms of devotion deemed to be in line with this Tridentine programme of reform were to be revived and their performance encouraged. This would both renew the Catholic Church and further the process of recatholicization.

The territory and bishopric of Osnabrück thus experienced a revival and modification of devotional practices which was initiated by both internal church reform and reforming edicts. It was a process which bore the hallmarks of confessionalization. It was also a process which had been underway in other places for some time. The revival of devotional practices was particularly pressing, as, during the first half of the sixteenth century, traditional devotion had been radically challenged by the Reformation, which had at its heart the proclamation of God?s work and his mercy. In some Protestant areas the devotional tradition was broken completely. Condemned as ?justification by works? such practices had lost some, or even all, of their value. They therefore ceased or, as was the case even in territories within the Empire which remained Catholic, they were far less frequently performed. Processions and pilgrimages were discontinued and the reverence of the eucharist and the cult of the saints disappeared. Blessings and the consecration of water, salt or wax which had long been customary now lapsed; religious plays were no longer performed during Holy Week or at Easter. In the history of religion and piety the fracture was so deep that it reached down to into what has been termed popular religion and popular faith, into the daily life of simple people. [28]

Yet this radical break with the past did not result simply in the loss and discontinuation of long-standing practice. It was the expression and result of a reexamination of faith and Church which had been needed for some time. Even more significantly, it signalled the opportunity for the modification of existing forms of piety which would now adopt a distinct confessional identity. It was the Reformed church which undertook the most extreme reordering of popular devotion. Worship was concentrated on the Word, without a specific form of liturgy, and took place in churches which were largely without pictures or any ornamentation. Accompanying a strict demythologizing of religion, devotion was directed almost entirely into reading the Bible, study of the catechism and charitable work.

Although Lutheranism also oversaw a rapid decline in forms of devotion which were no less traditional, the changes it initiated were less extreme. Iconoclasm was an exception, not the rule. In rural areas and in the Scandinavian countries traditional forms of piety persevered for some time. Piety centred on Scripture and devotional songs of confessional and reverence defined, however, the character of Lutheranism, to which Pietism was added for later generations.

Unlike the Protestant confessions, the Catholic church adhered fundamentally to traditional piety and its devotional experiences; these did, however, undergo critical re-examination and reworking aimed at reform. In Italy early criticism of devout attitudes and devotional practices and disquiet about some aspects of church life had produced an ?evoluzione collettiva del sentimento religioso? which was scripturally oriented. [29] It was from this initial departure that the oratories and other religious lay groups emerged at the beginning of the sixteenth century. From the middle of the century and as a result of the growing stress on hierarchy and the narrowing of religious and ecclesiastical freedom, these groupings in turn developed into male and female congregations similar to religious orders. [30] They won decisive influence over the nature of French spiritual life in the seventeenth century through the Oratorie de Jésus-Christ which was founded by Pierre de Bérulle in Paris in 1611. [31] Even before the foundation of such oratories, criticism of existing devotional practices had been voiced by the devotio moderna which sought an internal Christocentric devotion based on Scripture. Its influence on the nature of Catholic devotion after 1555 was indirect, although The Imitation of Christ by the aesthetic-mystical author Thomas a Kempis (d. 1471) was still much read. The influence of the ?biblical humanists? was more immediate and, in particular, the ideas of Erasmus of Rotterdam were adopted outside purely academic circles, especially in Italy and Spain. [32] It must, however, also be acknowledged that valuable humanist impulses for the formation of devotional life were also suppressed in the period after the Council of Trent.

It is, however, not possible to speak of specific Tridentine lay piety. In its decisions, regulations and instructions the Council had laid down clear guidelines which set the tone for Catholic devotion. [33] Only gradually, however, did the results become evident and they varied according to setting and practitioner. A variety of impulses can be distinguished behind the creation of this identity. In its clear statements on disputed questions of faith, the Council of Trent provided Catholic believers with a certainty and assurance which had long been lacking. Thus, for example, the eucharistic decree of 1551 declared that that God is rightly worshipped in the sacrament not only through reception but in adoration and reverence of the Host. [34] The Council affirmed the reality, totality, permanency and holiness of the body and blood of Christ, thus sanctioning the founding principle of the cult of the eucharist. The revival of this cult was furthered by the specific recognition accorded to the Corpus Christi procession and similar forms of eucharistic devotion. The cult of the saints was similarly reinforced. Saints were to be seen not only as models, but also as intercessors with God; to call on their assistance was not heretical or a sign of delusion but rather a pious act. [35] The degree concerning justification also provided an important impulse for Catholic devotional practice, by affirming the role of good works which could be accomplished by the justified with God?s assistance. [36]

Yet the Council was also highly critical of many forms of devotion, chastising erroneous beliefs and abuses and insisting on the reworking of existing devotional practices. Responding clearly to issues raised by the Reformation, the Council insisted on a scriptural foundation, stating specifically that all devotional practice was Christocentric, in other words that it was inseparably linked to the sole redeeming power of God in Christ. Emphasis was placed on the mercy of God which superseded all else. It is God who works; it is Christ who engenders good works in man. This was at the heart of the decrees issued by the Council, but was placed alongside unconditional adherence to the mediating duty and function of the Church and emphasis on the authority of the Church. The goal of the Council was, essentially, to bring devotion out of the wings to take up a position centre stage. As Ernst Walter Zeeden wrote, ?On every point this renewal promoted essence over form and ranked the external and formalistic below the internal and substantive?. [37]

The Council of Trent wanted to put an end to existing ?doctrinal confusion? (Hubert Jedin) by establishing the true faith and by issuing directives which would bring about internal renewal of the church. This established an acute contrast with the ?heretics?, the Lutheran and Reformed Churches, which were similarly consolidating their own identities. The Council forged a new Roman-Catholic consciousness for both Church and individual and formulated an accentuated model of Catholic piety with a clearly identifiable confessional character. Only towards the end of the seventeenth century, as the emotions and artistic and cultural expressions of the baroque began to triumph, were these devotional practices embraced wholeheartedly. Devotional practice centred on the Church had thus been reordered; the extent to which this also influenced wider religious attitudes by establishing new standards and boundaries is the subject of numerous recent studies. [38]

Trent finally required bishops to provide direction and leadership in their diocese and defined the duty of parish clergy to instruct the laity in matters of faith and behaviour. [39] This was indicative of the trend towards confessionalization which can be identified in a Catholic context from about 1570. The cooperative effort of ecclesiastical and secular authorities orchestrated a ?methodical, clearly regulated and organized action? [40] which would influence the nature of devotional practice. Catholic devotion was a component of ?official religion? as established by Trent and a significant aspect of human existence. [41] It was therefore integrated into the process of political decision making and social responsibility of the age. Catholic piety was given not only a confessional identity, but also endowed with a functional, and in particular pedagogical, role. Such devotion served for the praise of God and adoration of the saints and for the salvation of the individual and the good of the community. It was also, however, to promote a new religiosity and reinforced moral armament and to contribute to the process of the social discipline which has been identified in studies of the early modern state.

Within this process post-tridentine Catholic piety displayed a variety of characteristics. Unlike earlier devotional practices, it was orientated towards moral conduct with a Christian foundation. There is a clear connection with numerous ecclesiastical and even more numerous secular decrees which were designed to inculcate moral and virtuous behaviour. [42] Depictions of the Holy Family demonstrate clearly that devotional forms were designed with specifically Catholic didactic intent. [43] Until the sixteenth century representations of the birth of Christ and the Epiphany had included Joseph as an elderly and redundant figure; now, however, the Holy Family was placed in the foreground, identified as the ideal Christian family. St. Joseph had become the devoted defender and guardian of the family. From the mid-seventeenth century, as princely piety grew, Joseph was revered in particular by the Imperial Habsburgs and became the patron of Church and Empire. [44]

All three confessions viewed such moral behaviour as a guiding principle for Christian life and included elements such as brotherly love, asceticism and penitence. This placed additional demands on the nature of devotional practice. A striking example is provided by rogation processions and penitential pilgrimages which entailed long and arduous treks on foot and which, from the seventeenth century, took on an increasingly organized form. Piety moved by Christ?s Passion and Marian devotion were also typical; the significance allotted to the rosary, which rapidly became an object of devotion carried by every pious Catholic, also formed part of this trend. [45]

Catholic devotion from the late sixteenth century is thus characterized by its sensuous associations and open demonstration of enthusiasm for life. In part this was the result of southern European influence as the laity sought the opportunity for public expressions of joy and pleasure. There is also evidence, however, of the contribution of the Jesuits with their didactic and pedagogical skills, their close associations with humanism and a view of man which embraced both body and spirit. This young and dynamic order made several significant contributions to the nature of this new Catholic piety. A sense of a specifically Catholic existence was encouraged and devotional attitudes influenced in a number of ways: primary and secondary schooling, the impact of Marian congregations on youth and nobility, the Jesuit theatre, the founding of the Jesuit College in Rome, universities run by Jesuits or strongly under their influence, the impact of Jesuit polemic, Jesuit activities with a clear counter-reformation character and the catechism of Peter Canisius. As councillors to Catholic rulers Jesuits also played a significant role in the creation of a uniform devotional character for individual territories, which resulted from counter-reforming activities and the enforcement - at times with great rigor - of confessionalization. This is typified by the pietas bavarica with its strong Marian associations. [46]

The incendiary nature of certain activities which were systematically enforced is evident in the example of the developing baroque reverence for the eucharist in the Middle Rhine. [47] In 1618 the Jesuits who had been resident in Aschaffenburg since 1612 succeeded in reintroducing the town pilgrimage to the Heiligblut-Heiltum in Walldürn. [48] The last pilgrimage had taken place decades previously and there was little memory of its existence; this hiatus was now at an end. The procession, which took place with great ceremony, influenced the revival of eucharistic devotion as far afield as Mainz, where only six years later the sacramental fraternity in the Church of St. Quintin was reinstated. [49] This provided the impulse behind the development of prolonged eucharistic prayers in the Middle Rhine. The origins of this devotional practice were to be found in the oratories and fraternities of Italy in the form of intercessory prayers and confessional devotions; in Germany it initially took the form of ?six or twelve hour observances? - such as the supplication for peace during the Thirty Years War - and then became popular as a ?forty hour observance? in imitation of Christ?s time in the grave, developing finally into ?perpetual observance?. This final form of prayer, invested with papal privileges, was introduced by Elector Ferdinand Maria of Bavaria into his lands in 1674. In the archbishopric of Mainz it was designated in its final guise by Elector Lothar Franz von Schönborn in 1722 as ?the honoring and revering of our most blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ with the approval of the holy apostolic Roman see in the most holy sacrament through love and praise due to God, at all hours of the day and night and through the whole year, continued from place to place with constant replenishment?. This devotional practice, celebrated with all possible baroque pomp, was popular amongst all layers of society. It had beaten a long path. It began as a typical form of ?catholic piety? in the early seventeenth century, embracing both continuity and change and, like catholic devotion as a whole, progressed only in stages until the middle of the seventeenth century; it also incorporated elements both elite and popular and was an component of both individual and popular piety. It was a multifaceted process which had much in common with other forms of devotion but still retained its own character.

Religious literature also had an impact on devotional attitudes and experiences which was, in the long run, hardly less significant than external impulses and instructions. [50] Songs and significant prose writings were the forum for polemical and apologetic propaganda, but they also evinced deep religious sensibility and engaged religiosity. Although it must be noted that research into Catholic literature, both lyric and prose, is still in its infancy, it is evident that both hymns [51] and popular songs were widely distributed and made a significant contribution. They were introduced in 1594 by Petrus Canisius? work ?Catholic hymns, to be sung throughout the whole year before and after catechism at various times accompanying the foremost articles of our faith, formulated in short questions and answers?. [52] Friedrich Spee von Landenfeld S.J. [53] (d. 1635) was the renowned author of Trutz-Nachtigal and Cautio criminalis, the most impressive written attack on the contemporary witchcraze. In his many poems and songs he continued his pastoral task, promising hope and comfort in an age torn by war. A desire for peace and a Christian interpretation of the exigencies of his age are also very evident in his works and have indeed made them so popular that many are still amongst the hymns of various churches today. Psalter Davids by Kaspar Ulenberg (d. 1617) which was printed in lyric form in 1582 has had a similarly extended life. [54] The influence of the Jesuit Peter Michael, called Brillmacher, [55] who died in Mainz in 1595, was not as a lyricist but rather as the author of Serta honoris et exultationis ad catholicorum devotionem et hilarandam of 1567, a small book which contained prayers for each day of the week and for all eventualities.

Even Johann Heermann (d. 1647), the most important Protestant hymn writer in the years between Martin Luther and Paul Gerhardt, was inspired by Brillenmacher?s prayer book. The spiritual and devotional impact of his fellow Jesuit Jeremias Drexel (d. 1638) was to prove even more significant. Drexel was professor of rhetoric in Dillingen and subsequently court preacher in Munich; his writings on ?the eternal truth?, the virtues and the Christian exemplar were reprinted in their hundreds of thousands. By 1642 in Munich alone, 170 700 copies of his works had appeared. [56] Catholic sermons from the period between 1555 and 1648 clearly also deserve attention. Although the catalogue of these sermons which was assembled by Werner Welzig is available, [57] this remains largely uncharted land. The investigation into Catholic piety is at a similar stage. In many respects it is still in its infancy and it will long continue to bring forth surprises.

FOOTNOTES